How did you become interested in the Greek-American community, and who introduced you to them?
Since I was quite young, I have felt a civilizational affinity for Greece as the cradle of democracy and the inspiration for more than two millennia of Western cultural achievements. In my adult life, I became poignantly aware of contemporary Hellenic issues in 1974, when I followed with shock the tragedy wrought by the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. Subsequently, as I served in the California State Assembly and the U.S. Congress, I came to know countless Greek-Americans as colleagues, constituents, and friends. Over the years, it was these Greek-Americans who educated me about Greek and Cypriot issues and sensitized me to the relevance of these issues to our national values and interests. My most powerful experience, however, came when I had the opportunity to visit Cyprus in the spring of 2009. There I saw first-hand the contrast of the beauty of Cyprus and the sadness of occupation. I also saw the resilience of the Cypriot people, who have managed to build a vibrant, democratic, and prosperous society, despite tragedy and loss. On that trip I spoke at length with President Christofias, a humane and wise leader. So, fundamentally, I am attracted to Greek issues because of values – commitment to democracy, a sense of justice – but that attraction has been regularly reinforced by personal experience with Greek-Americans, Cypriots, and Greeks.
What are your thoughts on the Cyprus issue and what are some of the things you've done to support settlement efforts?
The occupation of Cyprus was as wrong as it was murderous in 1974, and it is still wrong today. It is deeply disturbing that it has continued for more than 36 years. Turkish troops should be withdrawn so that they cease to be a sword of Damocles over Greek Cypriot lives. I strongly believe the parties must reach a negotiated settlement on the long-established basis of a bi-communal, bi-zonal federation, but it is difficult to do that under the shadow of 40,000-plus Turkish troops. A significant withdrawal of those troops would be a confidence-building measure; without it, nobody will believe the Turks are serious about a settlement. Ultimately, all foreign troops must be removed. Last year I signed letters to President Obama and Secretary of State Clinton urging the removal of Turkish troops and demanding a serious U.S. effort to bring about a just settlement on Cyprus. I will continue to speak out against the division and Turkish occupation of Cyprus. And I will continue to press the Administration to take bold action to make Turkey withdraw its troops and come to a just settlement of the Cyprus problem. The devastation in the lives of the refugees has been incalculable. So is the destruction of religious and cultural treasures. That’s why I co-sponsored Mr. Bilirakis’ House Resolution 1631, “Calling for the protection of religious sites and artifacts from and in Turkish-occupied areas of northern Cyprus, as well as for general respect for religious freedom.” This resolution details the disastrous consequences of the Turkish occupation for religious freedom and for Cyprus’ remarkable religious and cultural patrimony. As Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, I made sure that this important resolution was brought to the floor of the House, where it passed unanimously. It was particularly appropriate that it passed on the day President Christofias was in town to open a remarkable exhibit on Cyprus’ cultural legacy at the U.S. Museum of Natural History.
Do you consider Turkish provocations in the Aegean a threat to regional stability and international peace? Also, what actions have you taken or do you plan to take to encourage the US to take a stronger stance against this kind of irresponsible behavior?
Turkish provocations in the Aegean are destabilizing, but, for some reason, they get too little attention from policy-makers and international media accustomed to Greek restraint. Turkish violations of Greek airspace, the claims on Greek islands, and the threats of “casus belli” are a form of psychological warfare against Greeks. At a minimum, these violations make a mockery of the spirit of peace and rapprochement that Greece initiated in the 1990s and create an environment that could spark war at any time. War in the Aegean would be a disaster not only for Greeks and Turks but, quite clearly, also for NATO and for U.S. national interests. Turkey’s Aegean provocations must be given priority in U.S.-Turkish relations – and these provocations must end.
Are you aware of the state persecution against the Ecumenical Patriarchate in Turkey and what have you done to address this issue in Congress?
The situation of the Ecumenical Patriarchate is dire. If Turkey does not reverse its policies very soon, we will witness the demise of this historic institution, which is the source of inspiration for 300 million Orthodox believers, a powerful moral force in politically sensitive regions, and one of the world’s great cultural treasures. Fundamentally, this problem boils down to one issue: Turkey must recognize the ecumenical nature of the Patriarchate. Turkey’s notion that the Patriarch must be a Turkish citizen is outmoded and wrong and must be ended. And it is time to re-open the Halki Seminary, which for centuries was the intellectual lifeblood of the Patriarchate and now has been shuttered for nearly four decades. I have repeatedly spoken out on these issues and written to the Administration about it. In response to a recent letter of mine, Deputy Secretary of State Steinberg pledged to provide me with regular briefings regarding these issues and the Administration’s progress in persuading Turkey to end its discriminatory policies. The first briefing is scheduled to take place just before this interview is published. I will keep Greek community leaders abreast of what I learn. I intend to make every effort to make sure that we achieve our goal of securing a robust and enduring Ecumenical Patriarchate in its present location in Phanar.
Since the Bush Administration recognized FYROM as "Macedonia", the country has become more intransigent when it comes to territorial and cultural irredentism against Greece who is its major financial supporter in the region. What kind of action on the part of the US would you promote in order for a mutually acceptable solution to be facilitated?
It is important that the US continue to fully support the efforts of the United Nations to find a mutually acceptable final name. I am encouraged by Greece's political will in this regard. It is my hope that a solution can be found soon.